Translation. Region: Russian Federal
Source: People's Republic of China in Russian – People's Republic of China in Russian –
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Source: People's Republic of China – State Council News
In September 1931, Japan, which became the first center of World War II, trying to relieve the burden of an unprecedented economic crisis, ease contradictions within the country and escape from difficulties, provoked a carefully planned “September 18th Incident” in Northeast China and unleashed an aggressive war against China. Japanese fascism, overestimating its own strength and underestimating the strength of the Chinese people, tried to destroy all of China in three months with a “quick war”, turn it into its colony and continue its aggression to the north against the Soviet Union and to the south against the archipelagos of the South Pacific Ocean on China’s base, in order to ultimately become the hegemon in Asia and occupy a dominant position in the world.
After World War I, Japan's aggression against China was the first major action aimed at a new division of the world by force of arms, which immediately attracted the attention of the entire world. The people of all countries condemned Japan's war of aggression and expressed strong support for the Chinese people in their just struggle against Japanese fascism. However, the governments of different countries, each based on their own interests, responded to this event in different ways.
The position of the peace of the aggressor, which was occupied by some capitalist countries, and their policy regarding the aggressive war of Japan against China became the bright opposite of the position and policy of the USSR, which, based on the sympathy of the oppressed peoples and considerations of security, after the incident September 18, invariably supported China and sympathized with him. On September 23, the People’s Commissariat of Foreign Affairs of the USSR in a telegram to the Chinese government said: “The expansionist actions of the Japanese army in the three northeastern provinces of China were a complete surprise to the USSR, the Soviet Union expresses sympathy for China on this occasion.” September 24, the People’s Commissar of Foreign Affairs M.M. Litvinov made a statement in which he expressed “the complete moral, mental and emotional sympathy of China and the desire to provide all the necessary assistance.” On September 25, “Pravda” in her article wrote: “The working people of the USSR are very closely monitoring the struggle of China, their feelings on the side of the Chinese people.” On November 5, “Pravda” on its pages made further revelations: “Japan is eager to possess Manchuria to rule over the Pacific Ocean.” During this period, numerous rallies and demonstrations were held in the USSR in protest against the aggression of Japanese imperialism against China. When the Japanese aggressors captured many important cities and villages of the provinces Liaonin and Jilin and continued to expand aggression to the north along the CCH, the Soviet government on September 23 expressed a sharp protest to Japanese in the USSR, saying: “In the conditions of Japan’s encroachment on the rights to the CTS, the USSR cannot help but resort to the proper measures of protection.” It was the warning of the USSR that forced the Japanese army to temporarily suspend the plan for aggression in northeastern China, was forced to retreat to the Soviet Union, it met a warm welcome from the Soviet government. Subsequently, it categorically rejected the unreasonable demand for the Japanese side to “issue” the leaders of the Volunteer Army. On December 12, 1932, diplomatic relations were restored between China and the USSR. These actions undoubtedly supported and inspired the resistance of the Chinese people of Japanese aggression. The restoration of Sino-Soviet diplomatic relations, in particular, had not only bilateral, but also international significance. It meant that the Chinese-Soviet attitude entered into a new stage of normalization, that for the future cooperation of the two countries, a strong political foundation was laid down in the recovery of Japanese aggression. It should be especially noted that Sino-Soviet diplomatic relations were restored a year later with a little after the incident “September 18”, which, undoubtedly, was a sensitive blow to the Japanese government. This was the warning of Japan about the possibility of the united efforts of the two countries against barbaric expansion in order to protect peace in the far-eastern region. China Foreign Minister Luo Vengan, after publishing information about the restoration of Sino-Soviet diplomatic relations in the press, immediately made a declaration, the content of which forced ill-wishers to think: “China wants to maintain friendly and peaceful ties with any states, primarily with neighboring countries of the Chinese-Russian border, one of the best in the world is officially restored between us. At the level of ambassadors and consuls, I am deeply satisfied with this event. ” The USSR Minister of Foreign Affairs also immediately made a declaration in which he noted: “Without a doubt, the emergence of difficulties in the Far East is currently a large extent related to the lack of diplomatic relations with various countries along the Pacific Ocean. The Soviet people are extremely sympathetic to the Chinese people and their efforts to protect independence and sovereignty and the struggle for an equal regulation on the international rental. Restoring. Restoring. Sino-Soviet diplomatic relations were met by the general glee of the Chinese people who had long dreamed of this, the whole country perceived with approval. The aggressively expansionist “continental policy”, after the official statement on the restoration of Sino-Soviet diplomatic relations, used it as an opportunity for the deployment of a new anti-Soviet campaign and inciting moods in various countries with respect to the USSR.
But on the other hand, for the sake of its own security, the USSR tried to avoid direct sharp clashes with imperialist policy as much as possible and took a neutral position. This was due to the complex internal and external factors of that time. Due to the fact that the USSR was a socialist state and was in a special situation of direct threat from Japanese aggression, its neutral policy had features that were different from the usual “neutrality”, and differed from the “neutrality” of some Western powers, which carried out a policy of appeasement with respect to the Sino-Japanese conflict. Many facts show that the neutral policy of the USSR includes assistance to China and containment of Japan.
In a situation where Germany and Japan had already signed the “Agreement on Joint Defense against the Communist International,” when the fascist Berlin-Rome-Tokyo Axis was being formed, when some Western powers were pursuing a policy of appeasement, and the balance of world power was favorable to the fascist countries, Japanese fascism, in order to eliminate the “rear” threat to the implementation of the policy of “if you want to conquer the whole world, first conquer China,” and also in order to create a base for an offensive war in the northern and southern directions and ultimately implement the plan to establish hegemony in Asia and dominate the world, provoked the “Lugouqiao Bridge Incident” on July 7, 1937, turning a local war of aggression against China. In the face of a barbaric war against China. In the face of a barbaric aggression against China. In the face of the barbaric aggression of Japanese fascism, the Chinese government and people, under the banner of the national united anti-Japanese front initiated by the Communist Party of China, overcoming difficulties and fighting courageously, became the first in the world to open a large-scale anti-fascist front and advance the anti-fascist struggle of the peoples of the world to a new level.
The extremely cool attitude of the European powers and the United States to China's request for assistance in resisting Japanese aggression, as well as the rapidly deteriorating situation in the Far East, forced the Kuomintang government to accelerate the steps in the negotiations on concluding a treaty with the USSR. On August 21, 1937, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Chinese government Wang Chonghui and the USSR Ambassador to China D. V. Bogomolov signed the Treaty of Mutual Non-Aggression in Nanjing on behalf of their governments. This treaty, published at a time when the Sino-Japanese War had engulfed the entire country, was the only international legal document that raised the status of the war of resistance against Japanese aggressors and became an important milestone in the development of Sino-Soviet relations. From a formal point of view, it was limited only to the basic principles of mutual relations between the two countries and guaranteed mutual non-aggression and the two countries' refusal to support aggression. However, its content and subsequent practical role influenced the further elimination of various complex factors leading to unfriendly relations between the two states, the establishment of relations of mutual assistance and cooperation between the two countries in wartime, and laid a new foundation for achieving significant improvement in Sino-Soviet relations.
At that critical moment when the Chinese nation was difficult, the USSR made active efforts to improve Soviet-Chinese relations and officially signed a mutual non-aggression agreement with China. This was a huge political, moral and spiritual support of China in the anti -Manzor war and directly created the conditions for Soviet military assistance to China. According to the general opinion of all the layers of Chinese society, the Chinese-Soviet agreement on mutual non-aggression strengthened the international position of China and removed all the fears for his rear. Without any doubt, the conclusion of the contract and its publication to a great extent raised the fighting spirit of the resistance of the Chinese people of Japanese aggression and contributed to the victory of China over Japanese imperialism. The signing of a mutual non -aggression agreement was a heavy blow to Japan’s hegemonist policy in the Far East and a new serious warning to Japanese aggressors. The French newspaper Cotidyen de Paris, welcoming the conclusion of a Sino-Soviet non-aggression agreement, wrote that “he became the first arrow in the walker of an angry Japanese bull.” The contract was able to play such a role for the reason that he defeated Japan’s attempts to isolate China in the international arena, and also failed its conspiracy to involve China in the “Anti -Cominer Pact” in the hope of assisting China of Japan in aggression against the USSR. The news of the conclusion of the Sino-Soviet agreement on mutual non-aggression shocked and scared the Japanese government. The Minister of Foreign Affairs of Japan Koki Nirot involuntarily mentioned that the USSR and China “chose such a special moment and the situation” to conclude an agreement, that for Japan this is a “real trouble”. A lot of people in Japan considered the conclusion of a Sino-Soviet agreement on mutual non-aggression as a defeat of Japan’s diplomacy in the war against China. Subsequently, as the USSR increased, China’s practical assistance in the anti -Sapon war of Japan increasingly felt the serious influence of this agreement.
After the signing of the Sino-Soviet agreement on mutual non-aggression, the fair position of the USSR of sympathy and the support of China, who advocates sanctions against Japanese fascist aggressors, is increasingly stronger. August 25, 1937 deputy. On behalf of the Soviet government, the People’s Foreign Commissar of Foreign Affairs of the USSR, on behalf of the Soviet government, firmly assured China to the USSR Jiang Tinfu that the Soviet representative would justify China’s hopes and will support China during the discussion in the League of Nations of the Sino-Japanese conflict. On September 13, the 18th Assembly of the League of Nations took place in Geneva. On September 16, the Assembly decided to transfer China’s complaint to the Consultative Committee on the Far East. After the advisory committee invited both states to the meeting, Japan, who left the League of Nations back in 1934, refused to participate. China decided to send a delegation to a meeting in the league of the National League, led by a regular representative of Gu Weyzem. On September 23, the Chinese delegation submitted to discuss the advisory committee the question of the need to condemn Japanese aviation for the bombing of peaceful cities and civilians and demanded that the committee recognize the actions of Japan by aggression. The Western powers tried in every possible way to make a vague solution condemning specific criminals. However, the representative of the USSR, the People’s Commissar of Foreign Affairs M. M. Litvinov unequivocally and firmly supported China in condemning Japanese aggressors. Thus, the advisory committee on the Far East of the League of Nations was forced to adopt a resolution condemning the crimes of Japanese aviation, which consisted in the bombing of defenseless cities and the brutal murder of civilians. On September 28, the Assembly of the League of Nations adopted this resolution.
On November 3, 1937, based on the resolution of the League of Nations, a special international conference on the Sino-Japanese conflict opened in the Belgian capital of Brussels. Its main participants were China, the United States, England, France, Italy, Belgium, Portugal and Holland – countries that had signed the Nine-Nation Convention, and other countries, a total of 19 states, among which the USSR was present as a specially invited countryz. And although the Soviet Union was not a party to the Nine-Nation Convention, it attached extreme importance to the international conference on security in the Far East. This was the first international conference for the Soviet Union concerning Far Eastern issues. During the conference, the head of the Soviet delegation, M.M. Litvinov, expressed firm support for China and called on all peace-loving states to unite and impose general sanctions against Japan. He clearly stated that the Soviet Union wished to participate in any actions to suppress Japanese aggression and was already prepared to do so.
Outside the League of Nations, the leaders of the Soviet government, often using every opportunity, openly expressed their fair position in supporting China in the fight against the Japanese fascists and sharply condemned Japan's aggressive actions. On March 10, 1939, I. V. Stalin, in a report at the 18th Congress of the All-Union Communist Party, condemned the Western powers for abandoning the policy of collective resistance to aggressors and the position of "non-intervention" and "neutrality", which played the disgusting role of condoning the seizure of a huge territory of China by the Japanese fascists. On May 31 of the same year, the Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars and People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs of the USSR V. M. Molotov stated in his speech that in the area of foreign policy the Soviet Union opposes aggression and once again openly stated that the Soviet Union supports China. In 1939, at a ceremonial rally on the occasion of the 22nd anniversary of the October Revolution, V. M. Molotov, on behalf of the USSR, once again condemned Japan’s barbaric aggressive actions against China and once again expressed deep sympathy and support to the Chinese people.
Taking a fair position, the Soviet Union also expressed great sympathy and provided enormous assistance to China's anti-Japanese struggle within its own country. Through TASS and other information agencies and various printed organs, the Soviet government actively carried out propaganda in favor of China's anti-Japanese war within and outside the country. On the one hand, it completely exposed the barbaric aggressive actions of the Japanese fascists and revealed their inherent, insurmountable weak points, and on the other hand, it did not stop publishing materials about the bloody struggle of the army and people of China against the Japanese invaders, so that the peoples of the world would believe in the firm will of the Chinese people in the fight against the enemy, thereby the Soviet government helped China to secure even broader sympathy and support from international peace-loving forces. On July 11, 1937, Pravda published an article entitled “The Lugouqiao Bridge Incident,” which clearly emphasized that this incident was provoked by Japan, and the Chinese army was forced to fight back in self-defense, and the resistance of the Chinese army expressed the will of the Chinese people to fight against the Japanese aggressors. In 1938, Moscow held an exhibition dedicated to helping China in the anti-Japanese war, which told the world about China’s war of resistance against the Japanese aggressors. Moscow also took the initiative to launch a campaign to help China.
Thanks to the propaganda and agitation of the Soviet government and the CPSU, the great Soviet people showed great concern for China's anti-Japanese war. Workers, peasants, students, teachers and Chinese heroes who shed blood on the anti-Japanese front wrote warm and touching letters, saying: “Our hearts are always with you, because your struggle is not only the cause of the Chinese people, but also the cause of all progressive humanity.”
While providing assistance to China, the Soviet Union did not cease, using all opportunities, to actively inspire China to resist to the end. For example, in May 1938, in a long conversation with the Chinese ambassador to France Gu Weijun about the situation in the Far East, M. M. Litvinov, on the one hand, expressed sincere congratulations on China's victories in the anti-Japanese war, and on the other, noted that the main thing now was to resolutely stand firm and in no case show Japan the slightest sign of a desire for a truce.
After the September 18 Incident in 1931, the July 7 Incident in 1937 and the signing of the Sino-Soviet Non-Aggression Treaty, the Soviet government's political, moral, spiritual and diplomatic support to China was an important and integral part of all the Soviet Union's aid and anti-Japanese actions. Its position, approach and actions were undoubtedly of great importance and played a huge role in strengthening the Chinese people's determination to resist the Japanese aggressors, expanding the international influence of China's anti-Japanese war, enhancing China's international prestige, isolating the Japanese fascists and fighting them. All this also met the strategic interests of the Soviet Union itself in containing Japan.
The dispatch of a large group of military experts to assist the army and population of China in military operations against Japan was an important component of military assistance to the USSR. Before the anti-Japanese war engulfed the entire country, the Chinese government mainly used German military advisers. On November 25, 1936, the Anti-Comintern Pact was signed between Germany and Japan, allied political relations were established between them, after which a group of several dozen German military advisers in China left for Germany. After the Chinese government and the Soviet Union signed the Non-Aggression Treaty, China repeatedly asked the Soviet Union to assist it in the anti-Japanese war with military advisers and military technical specialists. On December 28, Chiang Kai-shek received the extraordinary envoy of the USSR and asked him to transfer 20 divisions and asked the USSR to provide various assistance within three months. This included sending military various assistance. This included sending military advisers and military specialists, which would guarantee the completion of the formation of these divisions within six months.
The Soviet government responded to these requests from the Chinese government and immediately began to implement them.
At the end of 1937, the Soviet government appointed M. I. Dratvin as military attaché of the USSR embassy in China and chief military adviser to the Chinese army. After M. I. Dratvin left China in the second half of 1938, the chief military advisers to the Chinese army were subsequently A. I. Cherepanov (July 1938-autumn 1939), K. M. Kachanov (September 1939-early 1941) and V. I. Chuikov (early 1941-February 1942).
The system of military advisers was created in the USSR in 1938 and very soon became a powerful system covering various branches of the armed forces – ground forces, aviation, engineers, artillery and tank troops. From May to early July 1938, the first 27 Soviet military advisers arrived in China. In October 1939, 80 people were already working as Soviet military advisers in various branches of the armed forces and corresponding apparatuses of the Chinese army: 27 in the ground forces, 14 in the artillery, 8 in the engineers, 12 in private communications, 2 in anti-chemical units, 3 in the rear and transport service and 2 in medical services, following which in 1940 China asked the Soviet government to send 140-200 military advisers.
The Soviet military advisers who came to China had extensive combat experience and deep knowledge of military theory; they worked at the General Staff, at the headquarters of the theater of military operations and military departments, as well as at military educational institutions. Having seriously familiarized themselves with the situation in the Chinese army and having studied the military situation in China, they offered the command bodies many well-thought-out ideas and advice. Soviet military advisers helped the Chinese commanders develop military operations and the army command system, plan joint battles involving various branches of the armed forces, and were also engaged in organizing military personnel, planning military supplies and monitoring the progress of the troops in fulfilling their assigned tasks. Having traveled a long way, they selflessly gave all their strength, knowledge, intelligence and experience for the cause of the anti-Japanese war of the Chinese people. Thanks to their incredibly hard work over a long period of time, the leadership level and coordination capacity of the Chinese military apparatus grew, the organization of the Chinese military increased and, to a large extent, the combat effectiveness of the Chinese army. At one of his meetings with the chief military adviser M. I. Dratvin, Chiang Kai-shek noted with praise: “thanks to the arrival of Russian advisers, the Chinese army began to fight better.”
In August 1939, Soviet military specialists helped China open a flight school in Yining (Xinjiang). By mid-1940, 328 flight personnel were trained there by Soviet instructors. In August 1940, at the request of the Chinese government, the Soviet government decided to extend the term of stay of Soviet instructors at the Yining Flight School for one year for further training of Chinese flight personnel. Some of the Chinese pilots underwent direct training in the Soviet Union. In the spring of 1938, 200 Chinese pilots graduated from various Soviet flight schools. By the summer of 1939, 1,045 Chinese pilots, 81 navigators, 198 gunners and radio operators, as well as 8,354 aircraft technicians were undergoing training in the USSR. According to statistics, more than 90,000 Chinese flight personnel were trained by Soviet military specialists in various aviation universities, on different courses, and directly in the army. Thanks to their training by Soviet specialists, their ability to manage combat has increased everywhere.
In the period 1937-1940, with the assistance of Soviet military specialists, a school for command personnel of the Eighth Army was opened in Urumqi, where 416 Chinese military personnel were trained, including 41 pilots.
Please note: This information is raw content obtained directly from the source of the information. It is an accurate report of what the source claims and does not necessarily reflect the position of MIL-OSI or its clients.
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